© Jack Cashill
Published in WND.com - February 5, 2014

Actor/director Woody Allen deserves his recent notoriety. If nothing else, his quiet seduction of common-law wife Mia Farrow’s adolescent daughter, Soon-Yi, earned him a permanent spot on the creepy-ass cracka watch list.

It could be worse. If the story Allen’s adopted daughter Dylan Farrow tells is true—that he molested her at age seven—he deserves to be in jail as well.

What is surprising is that in a media world that casually shrugged off director Roman Polanski’s admitted drugging and anal rape of a thirteen-year-old, Dylan’s charges have stoked a surprising furor.

What is ironic, but not surprising, is that this same media remain mum about the most prolific and proven enablers of child abuse in America, namely Planned Parenthood and its competitors in the abortion industry.

Some years back, Mark Crutcher, the head of Life Dynamics, an aggressive pro-life organization located in Denton, Texas, ran something of an experiment.

Crutcher arranged for a young woman to call abortion clinics across the country. The woman pretended to be a thirteen-year-old girl.

This alleged thirteen-year-old told the clinic workers that her 22-year-old boyfriend had impregnated her. As the story went, he wanted the baby aborted to keep her parents in the dark and law enforcement off his trail.

Sex with a thirteen-year-old is illegal in every state, even California, which is why Polanski chose to flee the country. The baby is “evidence.”

In almost all states abortion clinics, like any “health” provider, must report suspected cases of statutory rape, except that they almost never do.

Cutcher found that 91 percent of the more than 800 clinics contacted counseled the girl on how to evade the law and abort the child.

A few years later, pro-life activist Lila Rose and a young James O’Keefe decided to run a comparable experiment using video.

As target, they chose a Planned Parenthood clinic in Los Angeles. Given her size and youthful appearance, Lila, then just eighteen, convincingly posed as a 15-year old and O’Keefe her 23-year-old boyfriend.

When Lila consulted with a staffer at the first clinic, tape rolling, the staffer proved out Cutcher’s thesis in the flesh.

“He’s 23, and . . . um . . . I am 15. Do I have to report that?” Lila asked.

“It depends on how old you are,” said the staffer. “Let me double check that.”

The staffer walked away and came back a few minutes later, her strategy in place. “If you’re 15, we have to report that. If not,” the worker hinted, “if you’re older than that, we don’t need to.”

Lila understood: “But if I just say that I ‘m not 15, then it’s different?”

“That’s correct,” said the staffer.

“So if I say . . . “

The staffer completed Lila’s sentence, “You could say ’16.’”

“Okay,” said Lila, “so I say ’16.’ Okay, so I could just write . . . I could just write that I’m 16.”

“Figure out a birthday that works,” said the worker damningly, “and I don’t know anything.”

Former Kansas Attorney General Phill Kline saw the same phenomenon in his investigation into the then thriving Kansas abortion industry.

In 2003, Kline’s first year on the job, he sought to obtain records regarding the sexual exploitation of minors from two relevant state agencies, Social and Rehabilitation Services (SRS) and the Kansas Department of Health and Environment (KDHE).

The political appointees of then Gov. Kathleen Sebelius headed both agencies, and Sebelius closely monitored the investigation.

When Kline’s attorneys approached SRS for help in its investigation, the agency balked.

When a judge reviewed Kline’s case, he found reasonable cause to believe SRS records contained evidence of criminal activity, and he subpoenaed the records. The Sebelius administration fought the subpoenas.

By the summer of 2004, Kline finally received what he needed from SRS. The records showed that during a time when 166 abortions were performed on children under fourteen in Kansas, only two of the cases had been reported to SRS as evidence of child sexual abuse. All 166 of them should have been.

To verify that Planned Parenthood performed some or all of these abortions, Kline needed the information in the KDHE reports. These were created by statute for the purpose of aiding law enforcement.

In late May 2004, District Court Judge Richard Anderson, a Democrat, subpoenaed the KDHE compliance reports, and KDHE resisted vigorously.

In June, Anderson denied KDHE’s motion to quash the subpoena and ordered that copies of the records be produced.

In late June 2004, KDHE produced copies of the subpoenaed records. In July 2004, the Washington-based Center for Reproductive Rights (CRR) sued Kline as a way of challenging Kansas’s mandatory reporting laws.

Encouraged by the CRR lawsuit, Sebelius’s KDHE people quickly filed a new motion for a stay of the subpoenas and a return of the file copies that Kline had secured. Judge Anderson denied KDHE’s motion.

At this point, the Sebelius administration had to be worried. The evidence Kline had gathered could potentially cost Planned Parenthood, a key political ally, $350 million a year in federal funding if convicted of failure to report child rape.

Kline’s investigators isolated the codes of the two abortion clinic that were performing abortions on girls fourteen and under. To no one’s great surprise, they proved to be George Tiller’s in Wichita and Planned Parenthood’s in suburban Kansas City.

In October 2004, Anderson found probable cause that the records at both clinics contained evidence of crimes and promptly subpoenaed individual case files. Predictably, the clinics filed a motion to quash, which was denied.

Now the clinics and the Sebelius administration knew Kline’s office was zeroing in on some inconvenient truths. And so the clinics took their fight to the Sebelius-friendly Kansas Supreme Court.

This move initiated some of the most bizarre legal shenanigans of any criminal case ever, and justice, to say the least, did not prevail.

It is a complicated story, but let us end it in May 2007 – a month after Judge Anderson declared, “There is evidence of crimes in the records that need to be evaluated.”

Planned Parenthood held a gala fundraiser in Kansas City, Missouri’s historic jazz district. The two featured guests were Planned Parenthood’s national president Cecile Richards and Gov. Sebelius, whose birthday was the rationale for the party.

By the end of the evening, according to the local Planned Parenthood newsletter, “Hundreds of PPKM supporters were dancing in a conga line around the concert hall.”

Leading the “dancing pack” was the local Planned Parenthood CEO whose abortion clinic was at the center of this deadly serious criminal investigation.

The Planned Parenthood crowd “sure knows how to have fun!” enthused the newsletter reporter.

And we’re worried about Woody Allen?

Who is Jack Cashill?